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The Donroe Doctrine Now Live

  • 2026年8月7日
  • Estimated read time 14 min read
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One moment, and you might have missed it.

As violence and upheaval spread worldwide thanks to Washington — particularly in West Asia, where the ramifications of the US-Israeli conflict with Iran are severely undermining the global economy — it’s easy to overlook events closer to home for the United States.

For instance, when was the last time you heard about the US Southern Command’s Joint Task Force-Southern Spear? This operation has seen US forces conduct 63 strikes on vessels allegedly transporting drugs in the Caribbean and Eastern Pacific, with no substantial evidence to back these claims.

It has likely been a while since this was covered.

This lapse in attention can be attributed to two primary factors. First, according to the Washington-based Center for Economic Policy Research, “there has not been a US military strike on an alleged drug boat since mid-June — the longest such pause since the campaign commenced in September.” The second factor is the general disinterest of mainstream media.

The Washington Office on Latin America highlights in its report, Killing Spree: Extrajudicial Killings in the US Boat Strikes Campaign, the boat strikes have resulted in the deaths of 221 individuals over an 11-month period, none of which are acknowledged in US and regional news:

The similarity between each attack provides little “news handle” to grasp onto. The boat strikes are fading into obscurity, overshadowed by newer crises that capture public interest. After the initial shock and outrage, the consequences of these illegal, lethal operations are becoming increasingly normalized…

[T]he U.S. government’s boat strikes are not standard and must never be treated as such. They represent murder under domestic law and extrajudicial killings under international human rights law. These operations stem from the reckless application of the “terrorist” label, allowing the US military to target civilians without any demonstrated evidence of wrongdoing, let alone due process. These actions must cease immediately, and those responsible must be held accountable.

Regrettably, the US government shows no signs of stopping its extrajudicial killings at sea, despite a temporary pause, and instead is broadening its so-called “war” on “narco-terrorist organizations” throughout Latin America.

At midnight on Monday, US Southern Command disbanded Joint Task Force-Southern Spear, transforming it into Joint Task Force-Western Hemisphere (JTF-WHEM). Their stated objective is to “build on a legacy of excellence to secure the region and eliminate all threats.” SOUTHCOM commander Francis Donovan asserted:

“We will apply total systemic friction on these networks that threaten our homeland and our partners in the region. Together with the Americas Counter Cartel Coalition and our 18 partner nations, we will bring the fight to the enemy. Today, we initiate the stand-up of Joint Task Force Western Hemisphere, the operational arm of U.S. Southern Command.”

In effect, the Trump administration’s corollary to the Monroe Doctrine (dubbed the Donroe Doctrine) is now fully operational. If you weren’t paying attention, you might have missed it.

To my knowledge, the New York Times has not covered this significant development — a change that Spain’s Defensa.com describes as “one of the most notable operational reorganizations [of the US military] in recent decades.” Similarly silent are the Washington Post, Wall Street Journal, BBC, and The Guardian.

Naked Machiavellianism

Established in the Trump administration’s 2025 National Security Strategy released in November, the Donroe Doctrine seeks to maintain US dominance in Latin America and the Caribbean by asserting a firm sphere of influence across the region. Its aims include excluding strategic competitors such as China, Russia, and Iran from controlling vital infrastructure, resources, or military positions within the area.

We have already witnessed this unfolding in Venezuela, which is under the influence of Marco Rubio. Professor Jeffrey D. Sachs has described the US’s new, albeit familiar, security doctrine as “brazen thuggery” and “naked Machiavellianism:”

The United States will ensure that Latin America “remains free of hostile foreign incursion or ownership of key assets,” with alliances and aid contingent on “eliminating adversarial outside influence.” That “influence” unmistakably refers to Chinese investment, infrastructure, and financial aid.

The NSS specifies that US agreements with countries that rely most on US support must result in sole-source contracts for American firms. The US should “make every effort to expel foreign companies” building infrastructure in the region, and reform multilateral development institutions like the World Bank to serve American interests.

Latin American governments, many of which trade extensively with both the United States and China, are effectively told: you must work with us instead of China — or face the consequences.

This approach is strategically naive. China is the primary trading partner for many nations, including several in the Western hemisphere. The US will struggle to persuade these countries to oust Chinese firms, jeopardizing US diplomacy in the process.

The Pentagon has already begun shifting its war against narco-terrorist organizations from sea to land with its joint counter-narcotics operations in Ecuador initiated in March. As flagged since September 2023, the US’s escalating campaign against drug cartels — now labeled “narco-terrorist” organizations — serves as a pretext for deploying US military forces throughout Latin America.

In Ecuador, President Daniel Noboa has opened doors for multiple US government agencies, including the DEA, DHS, and FBI. Similar developments can be anticipated in other US-aligned nations like Peru, Bolivia, and Argentina. The sentiments of the local populace regarding the presence of US military and federal agencies will be disregarded.

In Ecuador, a significant majority voted in favor of closing the US military base at Manta during a 2009 referendum. The Rafael Correa administration not only expelled US military personnel but also enshrined in the 2008 constitution that Ecuador is a peace-loving nation, explicitly forbidding foreign military bases or facilities.

The Noboa administration attempted to amend this provision but faced a resounding defeat in a November 2025 referendum when constituents overwhelmingly rejected the reinstatement of foreign military bases on Ecuadorian territory. Nevertheless, Noboa, whose family business has faced repeated accusations of involvement in cocaine trafficking, has proceeded with military strikes alongside US Southern Command.

The US is now pushing for joint military operations across the region, beginning with Mexico’s Central American neighbors, Honduras and Guatemala, as reported by New York Times investigative correspondent Maria Abi-Habib in a tweet:

This is the announcement we anticipated: the Pentagon is establishing a task force that will allow Latin American nations to accept joint US strikes within their borders. It transitions the boat strikes from international waters to sovereign territories across the region.

In May, we discussed how Guatemala and Honduras were under pressure to accept joint strikes. This forms part of a campaign to normalize US troop presence across Latin America. SOUTHCOM chief Donovan visited Guatemala and Honduras right after our story was published.

Why target Honduras and Guatemala first? To exert pressure on Mexico to concede to increased US military operations within its borders. It’s a tactic of “everyone else is doing it; why won’t you?” While it’s uncertain if this will succeed, securing cooperation from Mexico is a primary objective for the DoD.

The Other Main Prize

The other major target is Brazil. Tensions have surged between the two nations due to tariffs, accusations of interference, and increasingly inflammatory rhetoric. As noted a few weeks ago, Washington is also focusing on Brazil’s digital payments system, Pix. In doing so, the Trump administration — particularly through Marco Rubio — is damaging diplomatic relations between the two largest economies in the Americas.

In a recent escalation, Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva criticized the Trump administration for revoking the visa of Brazil’s ambassador to Washington, Maria Luiza Ribeiro Viotti, branding the action “irresponsible and thoughtless.”

The revocation, announced by the US State Department, was in retaliation for Brazil’s refusal to issue visas to two US State Department officials wanting to “observe” Brazil’s upcoming elections. Washington is also reportedly frustrated over Brasilia’s alleged delays in approving Trump’s ambassador nominee to Brazil, Daniel Perez.

As described by O Globo correspondent Guga Chakra, the growing tensions between the two American powers represent a future clash between Rubio and Lula:

The actions against Brazil and the visa suspension of Brazilian ambassador Maria Luiza Viotti confirm that Rubio is willing to deploy all available means to support candidate Flávio Bolsonaro in his quest to displace President Lula in the forthcoming elections.

When I refer to “Rubio,” I imply that he is the one orchestrating the entire strategy for Latin America, rather than the US president himself. Rubio has garnered significant trust from the President regarding Latin American issues following what is perceived as a triumph in toppling Nicolás Maduro in Caracas.

The election of Flávio Bolsonaro would signify a significant strategic victory for Rubio in the region, while Lula’s re-election would represent a major defeat for him.

The US’s long-standing aim in Latin America, clearly defined in the Donroe Doctrine, is to retain and fortify its strategic supremacy in the Western Hemisphere. This doctrine asserts not only the US’s entitlement to exploit the region’s resources but also its resolve to deny non-regional competitors — particularly China, Russia, and Iran — any potential influence over these assets or military capabilities.

Let’s be clear: this strategy predates Trump 2.0 and was first publicly articulated by former SOUTHCOM commander Laura Richardson, as we reported in our January 23, 2023 article, “Monroe Doctrine Redux: US Military Trying to ‘Box Out’ China and Russia from Strategic Resources in Latin America.”

What the US has achieved in Venezuela exemplifies this strategy: the country’s strategic resources have been monopolized by the US, effectively excluding China, Russia, and Iran from having any access.

Washington has accrued over $13 billion from sales of Venezuelan oil. While US government documents claim that these revenues are managed for the benefit of both the US and Venezuelan people, Trump has often boasted about profiting immensely from Venezuelan oil, even suggesting the US has recouped its invasion costs several times over.

Hauge’s observation underscores a critical issue: the acceptance of US imperialism in its “backyard” has become normalized. The media’s silence concerning the Trump administration’s extensive bombing campaigns of boats in the Caribbean and Eastern Pacific has facilitated the normalization of the Donroe Doctrine’s initial phase.

Moreover, the media’s largely uncritical reporting on the US’s invasion of Venezuela and the abduction of Nicolás Maduro and his wife served to establish the idea that the US could strike any nation in the region and kidnap its leaders with trivial justifications.

Recently, some media voices have expressed shock at the discovery of the US plundering Venezuelan resources, reminiscent of practices from the late 19th century. In El País, Mely Reyes critiques the US’s actions in Venezuela as “21st-century colonialism,” branding her country the “first corporate colony of the century.”

Turning to Brazil, Rubio’s recent maneuvers have not only pushed Lula closer to BRICS partners like China and Russia, but they have also sparked Lula’s commitment to bolstering military expenditure and the nation’s armed forces. Recently, a senior Putin advisor visited Brasilia to discuss naval cooperation and “ocean security” with government officials.

Meanwhile, the US continues to intensify its maximum pressure campaign against Cuba by establishing a “secret” CIA task force focused on the island, reminiscent of past operations in Venezuela that preceded the January 3 invasion. According to the NYT, this task force aims to quickly allocate more financial, human, and technical resources to create divisions within the Cuban political elite.

As Tony Wood astutely observes in a pertinent piece for the London Review of Books, titled “Maximum Pressure,” US officials branded their interventions in Venezuela as a precursor for similar actions in Cuba. However, a challenge for US forces lies in Cuba; the island is likely to present a tougher target. Critics also note the irony that the last time the CIA set up a Cuba task force was in 1960, leading to the infamous Bay of Pigs invasion a year later, an operation that ended in disaster.

Wood’s article critiques the US’s recent proclamation designating Cuba as “the capital of 21st-century communism” as “one of the most deranged self-denunciations on record”:

The report accuses Cuba of being the epicenter of hemispheric instability, intent on eradicating the United States through a “long war of attrition” using “espionage, infiltration, sabotage, proxy networks,” and “left-wing terrorism on American soil.” The document alleges that Cuba recruited allies from various movements and government factions within the US. This unprecedented charge would make more sense if read in reverse, as it is the U.S. that has engaged in a sustained campaign to undermine the Cuban revolution, starting with the Eisenhower administration and culminating in Trump’s comprehensive blockade.

For over 67 years, American administrations have consistently implemented measures intended to cripple the Cuban economy, with efforts ranging from the failed Bay of Pigs invasion in 1961 to the 1976 bombing of a Cuban airliner to intercepted assaults off Cuba’s coast this year.

Like many actions of the second Trump administration, the State Department’s latest report on Cuba harbors both absurdity and malevolence. Its primary aim is to justify intensified pressure on the island while simultaneously serving as a blueprint for suppressing domestic dissent, particularly from the left.

Moreover, this suppression extends beyond the US. In nations across Latin America ruled by pro-US governments, Rubio’s global crusade against “left-wing terrorism” will serve as a rationale for brutally repressing political opposition, with information shared regionally, reminiscent of Operation Condor.

In Argentina, support for the Javier Milei administration is waning amidst deteriorating economic conditions. In a recent televised interview, a notably erratic Milei declared:

“Gramsci warned that communists would infiltrate… Today we are confronted with communist terrorists posing as students, journalists, teachers, and researchers… This is no mere conspiracy; it’s real.”

Various articles in Argentina’s leftist press caution that Milei’s rhetoric echoes language used by former military dictator Jorge Rafael Videla during a 2010 trial — language that justified the ruthless measures of his government during the “Dirty War” of the 1970s and early ’80s.

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