The central issue at hand is the “control over the Strait of Gibraltar,” especially as straits globally are considered vital links in a tumultuous world.
Nearly a month after the significant migrant influx into Ceuta, tensions persist in the Western Mediterranean. In the early hours of Wednesday morning, 12 Moroccans were apprehended for assaulting a small group of Spanish soldiers with stones. A report by 20 Minutos indicates that these events unfolded around 5:30 a.m. while Spanish troops were en route to a surveillance point in the Benzú area:
Upon reaching the location, several individuals emerged from various directions and surrounded the jeep carrying the soldiers. Reports indicate that this group began to throw stones at the vehicle, causing substantial damage.
Forced by the severity of the attack, the four soldiers abandoned their vehicle and fled on foot. As they ran toward Calamocarro, they continued to be targeted with stones, sustaining injuries during the escape. Fortunately, the military was able to alert emergency services, prompting the deployment of National Police officers and Civil Guards.
This incident raises several questions.
Were the Moroccan stone throwers merely disgruntled migrants seizing the opportunity, or were they agents of Rabat engaged in another escalation of Morocco’s hybrid conflict with Spain? Could the Spanish soldiers have handled the situation differently? If they had responded with live fire against the assailants, following tactics similar to the Israel Defense Forces, the outcome might have been dire.
The attack followed a confrontation hours earlier, where hundreds of Ceuta residents reacted against migrants camping at El Trampolín beach for over 26 days. Following the migrant surge in late July, approximately 6,000 out of 70,000 migrants have remained, many of whom are unaccompanied minors or adults from other African nations.
According to a report by La Voz de Galicia, the atmosphere in Ceuta is rapidly deteriorating as a segment of the local civil society grows increasingly impatient:
A group of approximately 200 protesters attempted to reach the beach to enact their version of justice but was deterred by warning shots from law enforcement.
As Brussels Signal reports, the government of Ceuta has urged Madrid to dismantle the camp at El Trampolín. Spain’s right-wing party, Vox, the primary political beneficiary of the crisis at the Ceuta border, has echoed similar demands.
On August 20, officers moved over 1,200 individuals away from the beach for sanitation purposes. Within hours, hundreds returned, and the camp was reestablished.
Force has subsequently been deployed multiple days in a row. On August 25, police charged and used rubber bullets to disperse migrants during a Red Cross food distribution.
A march that preceded the beach confrontation gathered more than 2,000 participants, originating in the O’Donnell district, passing by the military hospital, and culminating at the Government Delegation, where the state’s crisis committee was holding a meeting.
Protesters displayed Spanish and Ceuta flags, demanding the migrants’ removal and the resignation of the government delegate, Miguel Ángel Pérez Triano. This marked the second such protest within a span of two days in a city of roughly 84,000 inhabitants.
In the past 24 hours, dozens of protesters broke police lines and destroyed the camp at La Trampolín beach, setting it ablaze. They have also attempted to impede humanitarian assistance from reaching the migrant encampment.
One can’t help but question how many demonstrators might have been outsiders brought in from other regions of Spain to heighten tensions. This strategy aligns with tactics of hybrid warfare, aimed at pressuring Pedro Sánchez. However, it doesn’t negate the genuine concerns and frustrations of Ceuta’s residents witnessing the upheaval in their community over the past month.
🔴#ÚLTIMAHORA Vecinos de Ceuta rompen el cordón policial, entran a la playa de el Trampolín y queman el campamento de los inmigrantes. pic.twitter.com/Vij6G5XxCO
— ECSaharaui (@ECSaharaui__) August 27, 2026
Meanwhile, Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez’s administration is grappling with the crisis. The government maintains that the situation is being managed effectively, noting that most individuals who entered in July have since departed. They also emphasize that any migrant repatriation will adhere to legal frameworks, dismissing opposition demands for mass returns.
Pressure to alleviate some of the burden on Ceuta has led the Sánchez administration to consider relocating some of the remaining 6,000 migrants to other regions of Spain. Responding to pressures from both the EU and right-wing opposition, the government has approved adjustments to the Asylum and Foreigners laws to expedite the expulsion of undocumented migrants.
This decision has drawn criticism from NGOs. The Spanish Commission for Refugee Aid (CEAR) has warned that these reforms are not only “regressive” but also align with the EU’s most restrictive immigration policies, being “stricter than those mandated” by the European Pact on Migration and Asylum.
Morocco Not (Apparently) to Blame
No clear political consensus exists regarding the cause of the rapid crossing of roughly 70,000 migrants into Ceuta within just over a day. The singular agreement among government and opposition factions appears to be the absolution of the Kingdom of Morocco from liability in this matter. This perspective sharply contrasts with many external analyses, including our own findings.
As we noted shortly after the crisis, Morocco has a documented history of utilizing migration as a tool of pressure within “hybrid operations” against Spain. We also suggested that the Kingdom may collaborate with two powerful allies, the United States and Israel:
While concrete evidence is lacking at this time, both nations have ample motivation to act against Spain. The Sánchez administration publicly opposed and condemned Israel’s actions in Gaza, enjoying significant support from citizens.
Sánchez has sought to build closer ties and economic cooperation with China, a stance contrary to mainstream EU policies. Moreover, he has denied US military access to Spanish bases for operations against Iran.
As previously mentioned, this is fundamentally a matter of political survival for Sánchez. With elections approaching next year and growing corruption scandals involving high-level figures in his party, including relatives, he has opted for policies that resonate with public sentiment.
Yet, in pursuing these strategies, he has drawn the ire of powerful adversaries within the US and Israel.
This narrative is not isolated, although it is vehemently rejected by the Spanish government and political opposition. Meanwhile, in China—where economic ties with Spain and Morocco are significant—an emerging theory in academic and intelligence circles suggests that Israel’s Mossad played a pivotal role in instigating the migrant crisis. From El Mundo America:
What if the large influx of migrants in Ceuta is part of an intelligence operation orchestrated by Morocco and Israel to destabilize Spain? This thesis is gaining traction within some Chinese intelligence and academic circles, with officials sharing their insights with this publication.
Recently, Egyptian political scientist Nadia Helmy, specializing in Chinese politics and Sino-Israeli relations, presented this perspective in an article for Modern Diplomacy, a geopolitical analysis journal. She argues that certain reports from Beijing interpret the events in Ceuta as a hybrid warfare operation aimed at heightening pressure on Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez’s administration. This operation would allegedly involve Mossad, the Israeli intelligence agency, in an attempt to foster chaos and discontent within the Moroccan populace, exacerbating tensions.
Massive Data Breach of Morocco’s Secret Services
Recently, the hacktivist group JBT2026 (Jabaroot) claims to have breached Moroccan intelligence and leaked approximately 70,000 records of Moroccan intelligence and security personnel, including names, birth dates, national identity numbers, ranks, and financial information. The group labeled this release as a gift to Spanish authorities following the migration crisis.
According to El Mundo, this hack is considered the “largest documented breach against Morocco’s security services since their establishment and perhaps the most significant counterintelligence blow suffered by a North African service in Europe in recent years.”
🚨Cyber Alert ‼️
🇲🇦Morocco – Jabaroot Claims Breach of Moroccan Intelligence Services, Exposing Data of 70,000 Personnel
The hacktivist group JBT2026 (Jabaroot) claims to have breached Morocco’s General Directorate for Territorial Surveillance (DGST) and General Directorate of… pic.twitter.com/LApzWLphtn
— Hackmanac (@H4ckmanac) August 25, 2026
Jabaroot, the hackers who revealed the list of Moroccan #DGST agents, are “four Moroccan officers and a police commissioner who broke with the ‘service’ and went into exile in Europe, and who are calling for changes at the helm of the kingdom’s security institutions,” according…
— Ignacio Cembrero (@icembrero) August 26, 2026
“Jabaroot’s great gift to Europe, and especially to Spain,” claims one of the accompanying messages. The hackers assert that the leak reveals “70,000 agents of Moroccan intelligence and security services, who have operated throughout Europe executing covert assignments, including espionage and bribery of politicians.”
Jabaroot specifically accuses Abdellatif Hammouchi, a significant figure in Moroccan internal intelligence, and Fouad Ali el Himma, a primary royal advisor, as key planners behind the July 30 migrant surge.
They orchestrated the attack to complicate Spain’s position. Everything unfolded under the auspices of a major power and a fictitious state, referred to as the US and Israel.
Jabaroot has promised to release another list detailing those who “orchestrated and coordinated the plan for Ceuta.” The hackers assert they have documentation regarding orders given to “agents who traveled to Fnideq (Castillejos) before and during the crisis.”
Why Blame Rabat When You Can Blame Moscow?
The Sánchez government holds a divergent view. They attribute the migration crisis to “foreign interference” via social media designed to fragment the European Union—yet not implicating Rabat, Tel Aviv, or Washington. Internal assessments, as reported by El Español, suggest no evidence indicates hostile actions by Rabat against Spain:
“There are no indications of a hybrid attack related to claims over Ceuta and Melilla, though evidence suggests social platforms were used to destabilize and divide the EU by inciting anti-immigration sentiments,” assert government representatives.
Hence, no public reproach or insinuation has been made toward Morocco by any government official.
They remarked on a similar incident in 2021 that, despite fewer participants, had notable differences in Morocco’s conduct.
Who does El Español identify as the main culprits for the surge in social media activity?
During that period, messages circulated on social platforms from other nations regarding this heightened activity. Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha tweeted that they had detected “intense Russian propaganda across Europe using images of Ceuta to incite destabilization.”
We have detected an intensive Russian propaganda campaign across Europe using pictures from Ceuta to sow destabilization.
There have been more than 1,500 publications on outlets identified by analysts as a pro-Russian network, led by Pravda and RT. Pravda Spanish has posted… pic.twitter.com/lpy2GLPBXU
— Andrii Sybiha 🇺🇦 (@andrii_sybiha) July 31, 2026
Meanwhile, Spain’s opposition parties, namely the People’s Party (PP) and Vox, direct blame for the border crisis solely at the Sánchez government while downplaying any potential involvement from Rabat, Washington, or Tel Aviv. Vox’s leader, Santiago Abascal, is closely tied to Spain’s Zionist lobbies and has spent recent months purging any dissenting opinions regarding Israel from within the party.
In comments on a previous article about this situation, Did the US and Israel Just Commit Their First Act of Hybrid War Against Spain?, a reader noted that even though the Moroccan State has a poor reputation among many Spaniards, it holds sway over the Spanish government due to the detrimental implications of jeopardizing ties with Morocco and Algeria.
The latter is Spain’s principal gas supplier, while the former remains the key partner in managing illegal migration through Ceuta, Melilla, and the Canary Islands while tackling Islamic terrorism.
Moreover, Morocco has successfully persuaded numerous members of the Spanish Socialist Party who once supported Western Sahara’s autonomy through lobbying. Many Spanish multinational corporations also have interests in Morocco, leading politicians to be cautious about voicing criticisms (as seen in former minister Ana Palacio’s recent disclosures, where she is affiliated with various utility firms).
This creates notable difficulties for any Spanish government, regardless of its political orientation, to publicly challenge Morocco’s actions, as doing so could upset both the Moroccan leadership and influential economic figures domestically.
Additionally, many people in Spain suspect that the Moroccan state possesses compromising information regarding Sánchez and other politicians, leveraging this to maintain compliant behavior regarding its hegemonic ambitions across the Western Mediterranean. The controversy surrounding the Pegasus spyware supports this notion.
Vox, on the other hand, is walking a tightrope—seeking to strengthen ties with the US and Israel while being acutely aware that their base harbors skepticism towards both countries, ready to denounce any perceived capitulation (e.g., their noticeable decline in popularity since the escalation of the Iran conflict). Many supporters on social media argue that the US and Israel might have been involved in the hybrid assault, leading them to mistrust the party’s alignment with these nations.
In coincidental timing, former Prime Minister José Maria Aznar visited Ceuta recently, likely to amplify the situation further. FAES, the foundation led by Aznar, has criticized Pedro Sánchez’s administration for its handling of the crisis, particularly its lack of preparedness and lenient policies toward Rabat.
Readers might remember Aznar’s tenure as the “third man” at the 2003 Azores Summit, where he, alongside George W. Bush and Tony Blair, issued a final ultimatum to Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein before the invasion. Aznar is staunchly pro-Israel; last year, amid Israel’s offensive in Gaza, he asserted Israel’s victory in the Middle East is essential for the West’s survival.
Aznar gained notoriety during a brief Moroccan incursion in 2002 when Moroccan troops landed on the uninhabited island of Perejil in the Strait of Gibraltar. He responded by denouncing the act and deploying special forces to reclaim the territory.
As Aznar approached the podium, several citizens confronted him over his role in the Iraq war, vocally condemning his actions: “Murderer! You were a murderer in the Iraq war, leave now!” Meanwhile, others chanted for the expulsion of Moroccan migrants.
Seizing the moment, Aznar has called for a comprehensive governmental overhaul in Spain. This may reflect the primary objective of both Israel and the US during this initial wave of hybrid conflict: to incite the downfall of Pedro Sánchez, known for his critical stance on Israel’s actions and the tumultuous US-Israeli military strategy against Iran among European leaders.
To facilitate this, disinformation campaigns have inundated social media, including baseless claims of Sánchez vacationing in Andorra while the Ceuta crisis unfolds. However, many analysts have highlighted that the primary source of this allegation—a photograph of Sánchez on a ski lift—was timestamped August 31, indicating it is from the upcoming future rather than the present. In essence, the report mentioned outdated material from late August 2024.
Yet this hasn’t halted mainstream media, including even Spain’s public broadcaster RTVE, from erroneously reporting the incident as a current development. If this is a regime change initiative, it appears all hands are on deck. Although Sánchez himself compounds the issue through continual support for Morocco, the principal adversary in this hybrid confrontation against Spain.
Furthermore, the hacktivist group Jabaroot has promised to disclose all instances of compromising information that Moroccan intelligence holds against Sánchez’s government through use of the Israeli-developed Pegasus spyware by September 15. If they deliver on this threat, the positions of not only Sánchez but also the ministers of defense and interior could be severely jeopardized.
“You don’t have to be a genius to realize that Ceuta could ultimately lead to the downfall of Pedro Sánchez,” cautions Enric Juliana, the assistant director of La Vanguardia, Catalonia’s leading publication. He asserts that the crux of this unfolding crisis is “control over the Strait of Gibraltar,” highlighting its significance in a world increasingly troubled.
In conclusion, the escalating turmoil in Ceuta symbolizes the complex interplay of social unrest, political maneuvering, and international relations. As global tensions linger, the straits of Gibraltar remain crucial in the broader narrative of power dynamics, humanitarian crises, and national interests.
