Conor here: “Inequality is a choice.”
By Adam S. Green, a lecturer in sustainability at the University of York. Originally published at the Coalition for Archaeological Synthesis. Cross-posted from Wiki Observatory.
Inequality and Urbanism
In modern times, cities stand as significant hubs of inequality. Urban real estate has become some of the most valuable land globally, attracting billionaires looking to safeguard their wealth and hedge funds seeking consistent returns. Iconic locations like New York’s streets, Paris’s avenues, and Dubai’s stunning towers often benefit the wealthy, driving up living costs for everyone else.
Despite this, many individuals, regardless of their economic status, flock to cities, contributing to the global spread of urbanization. As we entered the 21st century, over half of the world’s population transitioned to urban living. This shift can be attributed to the advantages cities offer—such as robust networks of interaction, cultural development, and a concentration of resources—that outweigh the high costs of urban existence. Essentially, inequality is the price we pay for the countless opportunities that cities provide.
However, what if we could challenge this narrative? Recent archaeological findings from South Asia present a different perspective on urbanism. My article in Antiquity reveals that inequality was notably low in Mohenjo-daro, one of South Asia’s earliest cities, and that it diminished as its residents thrived.
The Measure of an Ancient City
In 2021, I became part of the GINI Project, a research group focused on exploring the long-term trends of inequality through archaeological data, supported by the Coalition for Archaeological Synthesis.
The project’s aim is to systematically analyze data from archaeological sites like Mohenjo-daro, an early city that seems to contradict the typical consequences of urbanization, in order to comprehend the reasons behind today’s soaring inequality levels.
Utilizing the “Gini coefficient” as our primary measure, we evaluate inequality within wealth or income distributions across populations. A Gini coefficient of 1 signifies that wealth is entirely monopolized by a solitary group, while a figure approaching 0 indicates a more equitable distribution. Archaeologists often apply this coefficient to residential areas, providing a reasonable—though not flawless—indicator of wealth or income within a society.
I collaborated with Cameron Petrie and Iqtedar Alam, both affiliated with the University of Cambridge, to analyze all 309 excavated homes in Mohenjo-daro. Our findings are now part of the GINI database, which aggregates measurements from over 50,000 archaeological residences. The resulting Gini coefficients reveal a compelling narrative.
Every House a Palace
Mohenjo-daro, constructed over 4,000 years ago in present-day Sindh Province, Pakistan, stands as one of the earliest cities in history. It emerged after a millennium of village development in the expansive Indus River Basin, becoming part of the vast Indus (or Harappan) civilization, which stretched from the Arabian Sea to the Himalayan foothills.
Excavations at Mohenjo-daro began nearly a century ago, uncovering the foundations of hundreds of structures aligned along broad streets. Archaeologists were astonished by their discoveries—a grand public bath, an assembly hall’s foundations, and substantial platforms that might have protected against Indus River flooding.
However, it was the city’s numerous dwellings—complete with upper floors and private bathing areas—that left the most profound impression. The pioneering report on the Indus civilization described the “commodious” and “well-constructed” homes that rivaled the palaces of Egypt and Mesopotamia. More than 300 residential structures have been documented in Mohenjo-daro, some of which date from the city’s earliest development phases.
Further research showcases that the builders of these structures were adept in Bronze Age technology, creating an extensive array of sophisticated items, such as small figurines, beads, and bangles, which were broadly distributed among the population. As discussed in previous work, there exists ample qualitative evidence indicating that Mohenjo-daro enjoyed the advantages of urban life without fostering a significant wealth gap among its inhabitants.
Ever More Equal
Statistically, Mohenjo-daro exhibited much greater equality compared to other ancient cities. Calculating a Gini coefficient from its 309 houses yields a figure of 0.44. This can be contrasted with other ancient cities in the GINI database, such as Knossos in Ancient Greece—famous for its palatial structures—which had a striking Gini coefficient of 0.86, or Ur and Ugarit in Mesopotamia, both of which exceeded a coefficient of 0.60. Clearly, Mohenjo-daro followed a distinct trajectory.
Nevertheless, a coefficient of 0.44 is still quite significant. Does it truly advocate for the notion that Mohenjo-daro was an egalitarian society?
Comparing the oldest houses to the more recently constructed ones tells an even more intriguing tale. The city’s earliest houses, found at the deepest levels of the DK-G South Neighborhood, had a Gini coefficient of 0.39, dating back to around 2500 BC. Each successive wave of house construction witnessed a decrease in the Gini coefficient, ultimately dropping to 0.23 in the city’s later phases—a level comparable to the earliest farming villages in history.
Mohenjo-daro not only proved to be more egalitarian than other ancient cities but also became progressively more equal over time.
Governing an Egalitarian City
While the exact mechanisms through which Mohenjo-daro maintained low levels of inequality remain uncertain, several possibilities arise. Was this due to a broader economic system that ensured equal access to land and resources necessary for brick-making? Or perhaps communities enforced regulations that capped the size of homes and discouraged the construction of ostentatious residences? The answer remains elusive.
What is evident, however, is robust evidence of governance at Mohenjo-daro. Its houses adhered to uniform brick ratios, a level of standardization unprecedented in the Bronze Age. Additionally, the presence of stamp seals for standardization, tools for conducting economic transactions, alongside weights and measures, supports this notion.
These small tools wielded significant impact, enhancing trade and communication across extensive areas. This dedication to establishing shared rules is palpable in Mohenjo-daro’s infrastructure as well. The city featured one of the earliest public drainage systems globally, and its houses were organized in accordance with a public street plan. Interestingly, this street layout evolved over time in tandem with the city’s decreasing Gini coefficient. It seems plausible that the same set of regulations that governed the street plan also mitigated differences in housing.
Moreover, evidence suggests that governance was inclusive or democratic. Public structures, such as the Pillared Hall, could accommodate hundreds of citizens for deliberation, effectively promoting governance and perhaps offering a venue to discuss residential area allocation. Archaeologists are increasingly acknowledging these early forms of democratic governance worldwide.
Prospering in a Fairer Society
The decrease in inequality at Mohenjo-daro aligns with an increase in the median house size, serving as a proxy for productivity within past societies. As inequality diminished, the resources available for housing improvements expanded. Evidence suggests that the city thrived, supported by findings indicating an increase in craft production in later levels compared to earlier ones. It appears that maintaining public goods and ensuring equitable housing access was not a matter of chance.
Ultimately, I believe that the declining Gini coefficient in Mohenjo-daro was not a coincidence. It is highly likely that its communities established regulations that actively influenced housing distribution and directed labor and resources towards goods that benefited everyone.
