With such success in previous elections, why not try it again? The Democratic advocacy organization National Security Action (NSA) led the charge on the party’s foreign policy communications during the 2020 election, later contributing significantly to President Biden’s national security team. Their efforts have significantly influenced the current state of Project Ukraine and the complex situation in Gaza.
According to Axios, the NSA is now reassembling in anticipation of the 2028 election. While concrete policy proposals are still on the horizon, there are strong indications that the group is planning to craft a revamped message that repackages familiar imperialistic narratives for the electorate.
Let’s first take a look at the key players behind NSA before examining some of the materials available on the group’s website and various reports.
What Is NSA?
Founded in February 2017 by Ben Rhodes, a former national security advisor in the Obama administration, and Jake Sullivan, who served as national security advisor to then-Vice President Joe Biden, NSA has emerged as a significant player in Democratic foreign policy.
While these two individuals are the most visible leaders, there is substantial funding behind the scenes. Reports from Puck suggest that NSA has largely been financed by Alex Soros, heir to the Soros fortune and associated with Huma Abedin, a close aide to Hillary Clinton.
Now, onto Rhodes, who seems to dwell in a fantasy where America serves as a beacon of hope for the world—provided his party is in power. He appears to be comfortable with military interventions, such as drone strikes, as long as they are undertaken with finesse, reminiscent of his former boss, Obama. Even as he expresses tepid criticism of U.S. actions in Gaza, Rhodes still subscribes to notions of American supremacy and empire.
Jake Sullivan was instrumental in shaping Biden’s “Foreign Policy for the Middle Class” (FPMC)—some assert he even was a key architect of the presidency due to Biden’s limitations.
The message presented to the American public was that a more assertive foreign policy could aid in revitalizing the middle class. However, the term “middle class” raises caution, as it has often been associated with efforts to marginalize the working class. And indeed, the reality reflects this.
As Biden delved into the Ukraine/NATO-Russia conflict and supported actions in Gaza, economic conditions for the working class worsened. Key indicators—ranging from credit card debt and medical debt to homelessness and economic inequality—continued to decline under the supposed “new FDR.”
Sanders said today again that Biden is the “most progressive president since FDR.”
This is a total lie. The workers’ share of national income has plunged to its lowest level on record under the Biden administration.
Biden was a bonanza for Wall Street. pic.twitter.com/NDjrk7JUWY
— Joseph Kishore (@jkishore) October 27, 2024
Thanks, Jake!
Similar to how Trump’s MAGA movement targets immigrants, Sullivan’s FPMC attributed the struggles of the American working class to nations resisting control by the empire’s economic elite. Politico described Sullivan’s pitch back in 2020:
…the strength of U.S. foreign policy and national security lies primarily in a thriving American middle class, whose prosperity is endangered by the very transnational threats that the Trump administration has ignored.
Sullivan does not adequately elaborate on this point, suggesting it may be an implausible argument.
As the FPMC crumbled, the Biden administration also oversaw an unprecedented transfer of wealth from the public to defense contractors—totaling $1.3 trillion over four years—which Biden highlighted in his farewell address (military spending is projected to increase further under Trump). They revived rhetoric concerning the “arsenal of democracy” to justify this, as summarized by former Under Secretary of State Victoria Nuland:
“Remember, the bulk of this money goes right back into the economy.”
— Herr Nuland explains the self-reinforcing cycle to CNN’s dwindling audience.
The neocons made a clumsy move for imperial conquest over Russia, now the world observes… pic.twitter.com/diHiE1pGhZ
— Chebureki Man (@CheburekiMan) February 25, 2024
Can we expect Nuland’s resurgence in 2029? It’s likely, as she is currently involved in planning during her time on the National Endowment for Democracy Board of Directors.
Some Democrats have voiced concerns (off the record) that the same foreign policy leadership responsible for the Afghanistan withdrawal and Biden’s declining health should not oversee future Democratic administrations. Sullivan has faced backlash for his role in formulating U.S. policy alongside Israel during its harsh actions in Gaza. Reports from Puck indicated Sullivan received advice from Rhodes, who suggested he confront the implications of that policy. What does reckoning entail? Confessing to war crimes and seeking justice?
No, nothing of that nature. According to Puck:
The meeting was filled with old acquaintances dedicated to resolving their differences privately and respectfully.
How heartwarming. In a bid to address criticisms of their disconnected leadership, the NSA has appointed a new executive director to enhance its public image. According to a source close to the organization, they aim to make NSA “less opaque, less elite, and more engaging.” While this shift may seem cosmetic—especially with a Palestinian-American at the helm—let’s delve deeper.
Maher Bitar has been appointed to lead NSA into the 2028 primaries. So who is Bitar?
He recently served as chief counsel to Senator Adam Schiff, where he played a pivotal role during the Russiagate investigations and was involved in the first impeachment of Donald Trump. Bitar signifies a potential shift in the NSA’s focus toward a renewed emphasis on antagonism toward Russia. A look at the “Issue Papers” section of NSA’s website reveals an archive of critiques aimed at Trump’s foreign policy, covering topics from Greenland to Iran to North Korea.
However, buried among these papers are mentions of a need to re-engage with Project Ukraine. The question remains: will there still be a Project Ukraine to revisit by 2029?
In the document titled “Why the United States Should Not Give Up on Ukraine” (no author indicated), NSA argues the following:
1. Vladimir Putin is not interested in peace—he’s buying time and using Donald Trump.
2. The best way to achieve lasting peace is by enhancing Ukraine’s negotiating position against Putin.
3. Only strength will prompt a response from Putin.
4. Putin’s ambitions will extend beyond Ukraine.
5. Supporting Ukraine benefits our economy, military, and security.
6. Preventing Putin’s success in Ukraine deters our adversaries.
Notably absent is any critical discussion regarding the U.S. partnership with Israel, which continues to perpetrate human rights violations in the region.
On Palestine, Zionism, and Genocide
Bitar’s leadership has raised alarms among some in the Zionist community, who argue that he isn’t sufficiently pro-Israel. They cite his involvement with Students for Justice in Palestine during his time at Georgetown University, along with his previous work with the United Nations Relief and Works Agency in Jerusalem.
This perspective is misguided. Bitar served on the National Security Council throughout Biden’s administration during which significant human rights violations against Palestinians commenced. He began as Special Assistant to the President, later becoming Deputy Assistant to the President and coordinator for intelligence and defense policy in Biden’s final year—amidst ongoing violence against Palestinians.
Yet, he did not resign in protest; rather, he received a promotion. No public statements criticizing the U.S. and Israel have surfaced, nor has he expressed regret for his silence or commented on Trump’s aggressive policies.
Bitar exemplifies a common tactic of deception within the Democratic Party. The narrative surrounding Obama, for instance, who was the first Black president and served as a community organizer, helped mask harmful policies that disproportionately affected the working class. Bitar’s Palestinian heritage and prior humanitarian work serve to obscure his alignment with imperial interests.
The choice of Bitar is a strategic effort to appeal to voters disillusioned by Israel’s actions and the prevailing militarism in U.S. politics.
Bitar informed Axios that NSA plans to conduct retreats, polling, and serve as a “hub” for developing the party’s foreign policy as they prepare for the 2028 elections.
It does not require extensive analysis to acknowledge that war and genocide are unpopular, yet NSA appears resolute in their attempt to persuade the American public otherwise. As noted by Axios:
NSA’s challenge will be to navigate the deeper divides on foreign policy within the Democratic Party compared to the era of President Trump.
Currently, 80% of Democrats have an unfavorable view of Israel, a significant increase from 53% in 2022, even before the conflict escalated following the October 7 attack by Hamas, per Pew.
“Navigating the divides” is certainly a mild way to phrase the dilemma. With such a high percentage of disapproval toward a state committing acts of genocide, it seems unclear why this divide exists. Yet, the focus appears to be on appeasing both Zionist interests and their Silicon Valley partners while still attracting votes. This may lead to a diluted version of “Democratic Candidate 2028: The Gentler Genocidaire.”
***
To conclude on a more positive note, it’s important to recognize that numerous alternatives to electoral politics exist, and many people are already exploring these avenues. For instance, a piece featured in Working Class Stories tells the story of Casey Tobias, a gas station attendant who observed her community struggling. Taking initiative, she began serving meals to those in need and developed a vast volunteer program for her neighbors, providing support in times of crisis.
This piece illustrates a broader truth: while we often place our hopes in petitioning or protesting, as our federal government turns its back on working people in favor of affluent elites, a new approach is necessary. Many grassroots initiatives across different communities are pro-activity-oriented, shifting from merely requesting support from those in power to taking action themselves.
