In this article, we delve into the challenges faced by migrant farm workers in the UK while highlighting significant historical movements, such as the achievements of the United Farm Workers (UFW) union in the United States. The plight of these workers underscores the need for stronger advocacy and support systems amid ongoing exploitation in the agricultural sector.
Yves here. This article does not mention—perhaps unsurprisingly—one of the most successful initiatives to organize farm workers. The United Farm Workers union explicitly opposed migrant labor and successfully campaigned for the cancellation of the old bracero program. The achievements of the UFW include:
- The first legitimate collective bargaining agreement between farm workers and growers in the continental United States, starting with a union contract signed with Schenley vineyards in 1966.
- The first union contracts mandating rest periods, access to toilets in the fields, clean drinking water, handwashing facilities, protective clothing against pesticide exposure, and the banning of pesticide spraying while workers are present in fields. Contracts also prohibited harmful pesticides like DDT, extended pesticide re-entry periods beyond state and federal standards, and required regular testing of farm workers for pesticide exposure.
- The first union contracts that abolished farm labor contractors while guaranteeing seniority rights and job security for farm workers.
- The establishment of comprehensive health benefits for farm workers and their families via the UFW’s Robert F. Kennedy Medical Plan.
- The creation of the only functioning pension plan for retired farm workers, known as the Juan de la Cruz Pension Plan.
- The first operational credit union for farm workers.
- The first union contracts addressing safety and sanitary conditions in farm labor camps, prohibiting discrimination in employment, and tackling sexual harassment of women employees.
- Contracts that included provisions for profit sharing and parental leave.
- The abolition of the infamous short-handled hoe that harmed generations of farm workers, alongside securing state coverage for unemployment, disability, and workers’ compensation for farm workers, as well as amnesty rights for immigrants and public assistance for farm workers.
Wikipedia notes that the two unions that merged to form the UFW were initially more like mutual-help societies until the grape boycott of 1965 boosted their influence. Subsequent strikes and a boycott of lettuce became more contentious, and the UFW faced challenges stemming from uneven organizing efforts and internal dissent.
The title of the article emphasizes that those invested in the welfare of migrant farm workers do not expect them to organize themselves due to their lack of a stable home in the UK. It suggests that broader union movements must champion their cause. While this sentiment is commendable, given that unions are struggling throughout the Anglosphere, it remains a daunting request.
Furthermore, one might ponder whether the perception that farm workers must settle for meager wages to keep fresh produce affordable stems more from the economic realities of the food industry than from the farms themselves, where middlemen disproportionately benefit at the expense of farmers and retailers.
By Emiliano Mellino. Originally published at openDemocracy
Since her arrival in the UK over two years ago, Julia Quecaño Casimiro has found herself working under challenging circumstances, far from what she initially expected.
Originally from Bolivia, Julia came to work on a farm in Herefordshire after a recruiter promised her a salary of £500 per week for picking fruit. However, during her first two weeks on the farm, she received only £150.
Such inadequate pay, combined with poor working conditions, led Julia and 90 of her colleagues to strike—marking the first industrial action of its kind to attract media coverage in the UK.
Sadly, without assistance from charities or unions, their efforts quickly lost momentum. Some workers returned to Latin America, while others ended up in London, homeless and with limited funds.
Julia felt compelled to take action due to government inaction—more than two years later, an investigation by the Gangmasters and Labour Abuse Authority remains unresolved—along with a broader societal indifference. “I realized that in this country, you must speak out for justice to prevail,” Julia told the Bureau of Investigative Journalism (TBIJ) and openDemocracy’s Beyond Trafficking and Slavery.
In January, Julia and about ten former colleagues from Haygrove—one of the largest fruit producers in the UK—held a protest outside the Home Office.
These workers, all originally from Latin America, launched a campaign titled Justice is Not Seasonal, advocating for an end to exploitation on farms and the right for modern slavery victims to remain in the UK.
The group is also engaged in an ongoing employment tribunal claim against the farm and has briefed members of Parliament about their experiences. (Haygrove denies the allegations, asserting that it maintains high welfare standards.)
Much of the advocacy work has fallen on Julia and her colleagues. While they have received some support from civil society organizations and a small independent union, Julia has never connected with representatives from a larger trade union.
This experience is common among seasonal workers. Despite the vital role large unions could play in protecting workers from exploitation, there is no evidence of seasonal workers wanting to join them.
The government acknowledges the essential role these workers play in maintaining stocked supermarket shelves, issuing about 35,000 seasonal worker visas each year. However, since 2022, the TBIJ has revealed numerous instances of maltreatment on farms, ranging from unsafe and unsanitary housing to wage theft and even physical assault.
Many workers hesitate to protest due to fear of retaliation, yet some have organized quietly, hosting collective grievances to assert their rights, submitting complaints to authorities, and even participating in unofficial strikes without union backing.
“What Would Be the Point?”
Caroline Robinson, director of the Worker Support Centre (WSC), which assists hundreds of seasonal workers annually, reports that some clients have already launched unofficial strikes to protest the conditions on their farms.
However, due to the absence of unions on farms, there is a pervasive lack of awareness among workers about the benefits of union membership. She indicated that she is unaware of any seasonal workers who are union members.
“They feel that their issues have been raised before, and there’s a prevailing sense of neglect regarding these matters in the UK—so what would change?” Robinson shared.
The terms of the seasonal worker visa complicate organizing efforts. Workers are only permitted to stay in the UK for six months at a time, meaning they don’t qualify for full protections against unfair dismissal until they have been employed for two years. They also fear being blacklisted for speaking out, causing many to continue seeking employment on UK farms despite the dismal conditions.
Their circumstances are also more tightly controlled than those of other workers. Recruiters licensed by the government can revoke their right to remain in the country. Seasonal workers live on the farms where they work, meaning the employer is also effectively their landlord.
Most workers who turn to WSC for assistance do not speak English, creating another barrier to resolving mistreatment claims. The center addresses this issue by hiring former seasonal workers, whereas unions do not employ such measures.
The Moral Argument
Nearly two decades have passed since a major UK union last attempted to organize migrant farm workers. In 2006, following media exposure of the mistreatment of migrant workers at S&A Produce, one of the largest strawberry producers in the UK, the Transport and General Workers’ Union (TGWU) intervened. Workers, who had entered the UK under an earlier version of the seasonal worker visa, reported unsuitable housing, poor pay, and other forms of mistreatment.
The union recruited workers, filed 200 individual grievances, organized protests, pressured supermarkets, and launched a media campaign. Ultimately, the farm agreed to sign a collective bargaining agreement to negotiate pay and working conditions and permitted elected union officials time off for union duties.
Despite the campaign’s success, this marked the last significant investment by TGWU or its successor, Unite, in organizing migrant farm workers.
Ivan Monckton, a former executive council member of TGWU at the time, explains that the union attempted to recruit full-time farm staff and work with foreign unions to recruit seasonal workers before they arrived in the UK. Sadly, both attempts proved fruitless.
“At the end of the season, obviously, everyone left. They returned to Poland, and we had no membership,” he recalled. “The entire endeavor cost the union a fortune—literally thousands and thousands of pounds.”
Steve Leniec, chair of the agriculture subsector at Unite, asserts that unions routinely weigh campaign costs against anticipated outcomes and member retention before committing resources. He believes that, despite the financial implications, unions have a moral obligation to support seasonal workers, noting that improving their conditions could benefit all workers in the UK.
Leniec suggests that unions should explore innovative ways to support seasonal workers, such as reduced membership fees when workers are not in the UK and offering access to legal support upon joining—a benefit that is generally reserved for members after four weeks.
“If we cultivate a reputation as the union that advocates for migrant workers, then other migrant workers who enter the country will seek us out rather than wait for a crisis to occur,” he stated.
“However, this narrative needs to be convincingly presented,” Leniec cautioned. “Not every union member is necessarily committed to supporting migrant workers.”
A Different Standard
In 2023, after departing from the farm, Julia approached United Voices of the World (UVW), a small union popular within London’s Latin American community that specializes in organizing low-paid and precarious workers.
Although she wasn’t a member, UVW agreed to provide her with free legal assistance for her tribunal claim.
Petros Elia, UVW’s general secretary, acknowledges that any union would incur costs when organizing seasonal workers, but emphasizes that many campaigns require such investments.
He points out that larger unions, like Unite, have the resources to dedicate to supporting seasonal workers, often spending millions on disputes that, even if successful, do not yield financial benefits for the unions themselves.
Last year, Unite spent over £2 million on strike pay for 500 workers at Oscar Mayer. Following more than 200 days of industrial action, they secured a collective bargaining agreement and additional benefits for employees.
“Why does a different standard apply to farm workers compared to workers in other sectors?” Elia asks.
A spokesperson for Unite expressed pride in their efforts to support migrant workers within the food sector, including at Oscar Mayer, where they represent a substantial portion of the workforce.
“Wherever possible, Unite is committed to fully backing its migrant worker members…though grassroots organization remains crucial,” they remarked.
Given that seasonal workers can only reside in the UK for a maximum of six months, the spokesperson noted that “there’s no means to maintain the workers’ membership or cultivate activist structures.”
They added that due to these hurdles, Unite was “exploring alternative methods of recruitment and support” for seasonal workers, but could not provide further information.
Unions in other countries have discovered ways to assist migrant workers on similar visa programs. In Canada, a major union operates support centers across the nation that serve both unionized and non-unionized workers, while in Germany, temporary migrant workers can access flexible union memberships, and support networks outreach in farms during harvest time.
Elia believes British unions can effectively organize migrant workers, yet this will require a process of experimentation. He cites other worker groups previously deemed “unorganizable,” such as outsourced cleaners and Amazon warehouse staff, who have successfully mounted unionization campaigns with the support of larger unions.
He argues that the union movement has a responsibility to organize those workers. “Wherever extreme exploitation persists, it shames the union movement that it continues to exist,” he stated.
